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Andrew Yang Wants To Make NYC History. Asian American Progressives Are Weighing Their Options


By

Elizabeth Kim

Published Jan 21, 2021


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Andrew Yang visited the heavily Asian community of Elmhurst last week during a campaign stop.

 

Elizabeth Kim / Gothamist


By

Elizabeth Kim

Published Jan 21, 2021


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In 2013, Bright Limm, an attorney and community organizer in Queens, was working as a volunteer on John Liu's Democratic primary campaign for New York City mayor. As city comptroller, Liu had broken an important racial barrier, becoming the first Asian American to hold citywide office. Among his supporters, Liu was seen as the consummate campaigner, a politician steeped in city politics and history who was capable of building a broad coalition in working-class neighborhoods.

But as Limm gauged elected officials, civic association leaders, and community board members in central and Northeastern Queens, he heard an unfortunate refrain.

"Many of them said, 'I love John, I want to support him, but he's not going to win," he recalled.

According to Limm, the insinuation was that an Asian American could not be considered a real contender for a seat that had only ever been held by one non-white mayor: David Dinkins, who served one term, from 1990 to 1993.

Now, in 2021, he sees a major difference in the public perception of Andrew Yang, a former tech entrepreneur who is considered one of the top mayoral candidates.

"To me, his viability is not a question," Limm said.

On the heels of a long-shot presidential bid that lasted longer than most expected, and which was fueled by a base of fervent supported dubbed the #YangGang, he has achieved a national-level of celebrity that some say has enabled him to transcend race to a large degree. For instance, Yang leads all mayoral candidates with a Twitter following of 1.9 million; fellow mayoral candidate Maya Wiley is second with over 405,000 (Eric Adams, Ray McGuire, and Scott Stringer combined have about 20,000 followers for their mayoral campaign handles).

Like Liu, he is the son of Taiwanese immigrants, but the two men's lives diverge according to privilege. Liu emigrated with his family to the city as a young child and attended public schools; Yang was born in Schenectady and went to private schools.

Still, coming into the race, Yang will face both timeworn and new political challenges with the city's Asian American electorate—energizing a group that has historically had low voter turnout and winning over a new generation of left-leaning progressives.

Liu, now a State Senator, has met with Yang but has yet to offer an endorsement.

Nonetheless, he recently offered a lofty appraisal of the candidate's presidential run.

"No one gave him a snowball's chance," Liu said, adding, "He is our Shirley Chisholm."

(Yang is not the first Asian American to seek the presidency, but he is the first Asian American man to compete for the Democratic nomination.)

In an interview, Yang credited his presidential campaign with introducing him to city voters—and helping him sidestep the race issue for now. "I think a lot of New Yorkers got to know me on TV," he said. "In different ways, I became familiar to them. And so now that I'm running for mayor, there's like a relationship."

With that fame has come scrutiny by the local press and his rivals: On his decision to flee pandemic-ravaged New York City for a second home in New Paltz, his spotty local voting record, and most recently, on what he feels qualifies as a bodega.

Several Asian American political observers said they felt the criticism was par for the course for a candidate seeking to lead the biggest city in the country. But some, including Yang, recognized that questions of authenticity are often fraught for Asian Americans, who, no matter their origins, have difficulty shedding a perception of foreignness.

"I do think that there's something a little bit uncomfortable about questioning the New York-ness of someone who has literally lived in the city for 25 years, whose kids go to school here, who graduated from school here," Yang said. "I mean, I've been here for decades. And so that is kind of strange, honestly."

He later added: "I do think that there is something familiar to many Asian Americans to have our belongingness questioned, and that did occur to me."

Yang's mayoral candidacy comes at what many experts see as a pivotal moment for Asian Americans, both nationwide and locally. The presidential election, which featured Kamala Harris as the first woman of South Asian descent to become vice president, drew record numbers of Asian American voters in battleground states won by Joe Biden. In New York City, where Asians make up nearly 15% of the population, political representation for the community is growing: There are now five Asian American elected officials at the city, state, and federal levels. And more than a dozen Asian American candidates have registered to run for City Council this year, according to the city Campaign Finance Board records.

At the same time, the pandemic has exposed racist and economic divisions in New York City that have disproportionately affected communities of color, including Asian Americans. After President Trump repeatedly labeled the coronavirus as the “China virus," the city saw a dramatic rise in anti-Asian hate crimes. Meanwhile, Chinese business districts like Chinatown and Flushing were the first to see a drop in foot traffic, prompting some of the first retail and dining closures that happened due to COVID. Organizers in Flushing said that even prior to the official shutdown, newly unemployed Asian restaurant and massage parlor workers had already fled the city in search of work.

"The pan-Asian community continues to be ignored or marginalized, and our contributions are not part of the rebuilding factor,"  said Jo-Ann Yoo, the executive director of the Asian American Federation, a public policy and advocacy group. She cited a 2016 report that found that Asian-owned businesses in the City accounted for half of the net increase in paid employment.

According to Yoo, some Asian businesses shuttered as early as January, but received very little attention from government. "They didn't get help. Why the hell isn't anybody listening?" she asked.

During a visit to Chinatown in August, Mayor Bill de Blasio was criticized for turning his back on a Chinese bakery owner pleading for more help from the city.

Community advocates and elected officials have long complained that Asian New Yorkers, particularly those who are low-income, suffer from political invisibility. The reasons range from language barriers and a tendency to distrust government to a lack of sufficient political representation. Many, including Yang, point to the myth of a model minority that elides the struggles of many Asians New Yorkers. Advocates often stress that Asian Americans are the poorest immigrant group in New York City, with about 25% living below the poverty line.

Both nationwide and locally, Asian American voter turnout has also historically lagged those of other groups. Further, Asian Americans are less likely to be registered with a political party, which dilutes potential voting power when many NYC races are decided in the primary.

Still, the community has made some key political inroads over the years. Most recently, months of protests led by Korean and Chinese activists over a major rezoning in Flushing resulted in developer concessions. De Blasio’s failed effort to end the entrance exam for a group of elite public high schools sparked huge uproar among Asian parents that drove some to look into running for local office for the first time.

Yang has said that he would seek to reform the admissions process by adding other criteria, such as grades, essays and interviews, and by expanding the number of specialized high schools in the city. "I think that most people would agree that it is too narrow to have just one data point determine where someone goes to school," he said.

At the state level, the legalization of e-bikes resulted after years of organizing the mostly Chinese and Latino delivery workers that rely on the vehicles for their livelihood.

Similarly, the movement to decriminalize sex work was spurred in part by the experience of Chinese immigrant women in Flushing, in particular, that of a 38-year-old Flushing massage parlor worker named Yang Song who leapt to her death during a police raid. Ron Kim, a Democratic Assemblymember who represents Flushing and one of the lawmakers leading the effort, officially endorsed Yang, who in turn adopted the issue as part of his mayoral platform.

Coming off his presidential run, Yang has attracted a large following among Asian Americans and college-aged voters. At an event outside a strip mall in Elmhurst, 30 or so members of the Yang Gang happily lined up to take photos with the candidate. Nearby, Daniel Dae Kim, a former Bronx resident and star of the TV shows Lost and Hawaii-Five-0, stood chatting with fans after lending his endorsement.

Asked why they were voting for Yang, multiple people cited the so-called "Universal Basic Income" proposal that drove his presidential run. He has since translated that plan for New York City as an annual guaranteed subsidy of $2,000 to half a million of the poorest New Yorkers.

While the prospect of having the first Asian American mayor excited them, many described Yang as having broad-based appeal.

"Andrew, for most people, is not like a left or right guy. He's just a forward thinking person," said William Lex Ham, a 30-something-year-old filmmaker.

John Albert, an Indian-American community organizer and lobbyist who lives in Queens, said the young Asian American progressives that have emerged as important players in local politics will demand deeper policy views from their candidate.

"They are ideologues," Albert said. "They have plenty of people who are willing to live within their box that they are willing to vote for."

He argued that Yang's guaranteed income plan will at least open the door for him to more left-leaning Asian American voters, making him a potential second or third choice. That ranking will be important amid a crowded field and the first year in which the city is using ranked-choice voting, in which voters can rank their preferred candidates rather than choosing only one.

Asked about the criticism among progressives that he lacks policy depth, Yang replied, "I think they can take heart and the fact that as I get more information about what's happening in communities, I just want to solve those problems. Certainly, I'm learning a lot all the time. And I'm excited to apply some of those learnings to policies that will help."

Liu argued that there is still time for Yang and the other candidates to develop. "Five months is an eternity in citywide elections," he said.

Along those lines, Limm, who campaigned for Liu, said, "As a leftist, my heart gravitates towards Diane Morales and Carlos Menchaca, while my head is keeping an open mind about Scott Stringer, Maya Wiley, and Andrew Yang."

Assemblywoman Yuh-Line Niou, a progressive Democrat who represents Chinatown and Lower Manhattan and fought for the state's e-bike legislation, endorsed Stringer back in September, months before Yang entered the race.

Niou, who counts Yang as a friend, said that while she "desperately" wanted to see more Asian Americans in positions of leadership, Asian American candidates still need to earn their votes in the community.

"Do I wish that I could endorse an Asian American for mayor? Yes. And of course, I would," she said. "If he was the best candidate."

Tagged

mayoral election

election 2021

andrew yang


Elizabeth Kim

Elizabeth Kim is a reporter on the People and Power desk who covers mayoral power. She previously covered the pandemic, housing, redevelopment and public spaces. A native of Queens, she speaks fluent Mandarin. Got a tip? Email [email protected]

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